Geopolitics Beyond Recognition: Somaliland, Israel, and the Changing Meaning of Statehood
DOI: https://doi.org/10.26618/s5tbax91
Somaliland, Israel, Diplomacy Without Recognition, Unrecognized States, Horn of Africa Geopolitics
Abstract
The evolving relationship between Somaliland and Israel raises urgent questions about how diplomacy beyond formal recognition is reshaping the politics of sovereignty and legitimacy in Africa, particularly in a region governed by strong territorial norms. This study aims to examine the political implications of emerging ties between a non-recognized polity and an established state, and to analyze how recognition operates as a strategic and political instrument rather than a purely legal act. Employing a qualitative case study design, the research relies on official statements, diplomatic communiqués, policy documents, and responses from regional organizations, which are analyzed using thematic analysis and qualitative discourse analysis to trace competing narratives of legitimacy and strategic framing. The findings show that three distinct legitimacy logics structure the interaction: performance-based legitimacy articulated by Somaliland through references to governance, stability, and elections; strategic-security legitimacy advanced by Israel through concerns over maritime security, counterterrorism, and regional influence; and normative-legal legitimacy emphasized by Somalia and regional organizations through the defense of territorial integrity and inherited borders. The study concludes that diplomacy without formal recognition is becoming an increasingly viable modality of geopolitical engagement in the Horn of Africa. The novelty of this research lies in conceptualizing recognition as a layered and contested process that links de facto statehood to regional security logics and norm entrepreneurship. The article contributes to scholarship on unrecognized states and African sovereignty norms while offering policy-relevant insights for regional organizations and external partners engaged in the evolving politics of statehood in the Horn of Africa.
References
[1] Abbasov, N., & Souleimanov, E. A. (2022). Azerbaijan, Israel, and Iran: An unlikely triangle shaping the northern Middle East. Middle East Policy, 29(1), 139–153. https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12611
[2] Abdi, M. (2025). African Union and Somalia condemn recognition of Somaliland. African Policy Review.
[3] Abdi, M. (2025). Somalia rejects Israeli recognition of Somaliland as allies rally in support. Somalia Today. Available at: https://somaliatoday.com/politics/somalia-rejects-israeli-recognition-of-somaliland-as-allies-rally-in-support-2025-12-27/
[4] Abreek-Zubiedat, F. (2023). Militarized urbanism in the Cold War era: The resettlement of the refugees in Khan Younis. Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, 41(6), 1079–1095. https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231170571
[5] African Security Analysis. (2025). Implications of Israel’s recognition of Somaliland’s independence. African Security Analysis Brief, 14(2), pp.1–12.
[6] African Security Analysis. (2025). Red Sea geopolitics and emerging security alignments in the Horn of Africa. African Security Analysis Brief, 14(2), pp.1–12.
[7] African Union Commission. (2025). Statement on recognition of Somaliland and territorial integrity. Addis Ababa: African Union.
[8] African Union Commission. (2025). Statement on sovereignty and territorial integrity in the Horn of Africa. African Union Press Release, 28 December.
[9] African Union Commission. (2025). Statement on the recognition of Somaliland and implications for African Union principles. Addis Ababa: African Union.
[10] Al Jazeera. (2025). Israel becomes first country to recognise Somaliland.
[11] Ali, N. M., Mumin, S. A., & Bulhan, S. H. (2025). Geopolitics–ports politics nexus: The case of Port of Berbera, Somaliland. In The Horn of Africa since 2018: Continuities, transformations, and prospects (pp. 242–258). Taylor and Francis. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003531999-18
[12] Anouti, H., & Fleming, A. L. (2025). Al-Aqsa Flood: Misstep or grand strategy? The geopolitics of non-state actors in a globally unstable paradigm. Contemporary Review of the Middle East. https://doi.org/10.1177/23477989251405562
[13] Associated Press. (2025). Largest Somali protests since Israel recognition of Somaliland. Available at: https://apnews.com/article/e160eb59c4b77b6f403d970e11b799bf
[14] Atallah, D. G. (2023). Beyond grief: Decolonial love for Palestinian life. Journal of Palestine Studies, 52(4), 70–75. https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2023.2283354
[15] Atlantic Council. (2026). After Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, what comes next? MENASource. Available at: https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/after-israels-recognition-of-somaliland-what-comes-next/
[16] Ayal, B. A., Bishaw, E. B., Bekalu, K. Y., & Eskezia, A. M. (2025). Turkey’s strategic engagement in the Horn of Africa and its implications for Ethiopia’s security. SN Social Sciences, 5(9). https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-025-01186-7
[17] Bakare, N. (2024). Arab–Israel normalisation of ties: Global perspectives. Springer Nature. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7765-9
[18] Bani Issa, M. S. (2025). Ontological security and foreign policy in West Asia: Identity politics after the Abraham Accords. Social Sciences and Humanities Open, 12. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssaho.2025.102089
[19] Ben-Porat, G., Feniger, Y., Filc, D., Kabalo, P., & Mirsky, J. (2022). Routledge handbook on contemporary Israel. Taylor and Francis. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429281013
[20] Bercovitch, J. & Jackson, R. (2009). Conflict resolution in the twenty-first century: Principles, methods, and approaches. University of Michigan Press.
[21] Besteman, C. & Cassanelli, L. (2017). Somalia and Somaliland: State building and decay. Indiana University Press.
[22] Bjola, C. & Kornprobst, M. (Eds.) (2013). Understanding international diplomacy: Theory, practice and ethics. Routledge.
[23] Bradbury, M. (2013). Becoming Somaliland. James Currey.
[24] Braun, V. & Clarke, V. (2019). Reflecting on reflexive thematic analysis. Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, 11(4), pp.589–597. https://doi.org/10.1080/2159676X.2019.1628806
[25] Browne, B. C., & Bradley, E. (2021). Promoting Northern Ireland’s peacebuilding experience in Palestine–Israel: Normalising the status quo. Third World Quarterly, 42(7), 1625–1643. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903310
[26] Bull, H. (1977). The anarchical society: A study of order in world politics. Columbia University Press.
[27] Cafiero, G. (2026). Saudi Arabia confronts the Israel–UAE alignment in Somalia. Arab Center Washington DC. Available at: https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/saudi-arabia-confronts-the-israel-uae-alignment-in-somalia/
[28] Carpenter, M. (2025). The geopolitics of governance. In Survival: December 2025–January 2026 (pp. 7–27). Taylor and Francis. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003642565-1
[29] Caspersen, N. (2012). Unrecognized states: The struggle for sovereignty in the modern international system. Polity Press.
[30] Chachashvili-Bolotin, S. (2023). The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the strengthening of Ukrainian identity among former Soviet immigrants from Ukraine: Israel as a case study. Post-Soviet Affairs, 40(1), 56–70. https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2277620
[31] Chalaris, M. (2021). A strategic evaluation of energy security in the Eastern Mediterranean. Nova Science Publishers.
[32] Chenoy, A. (2023). Israel’s war on Gaza: Diplomacy, geopolitics, and pressure points. Economic and Political Weekly, 58(48), 10–12.
[33] Chiaramonte, L., Mecchia, F., Paltrinieri, A., & Sclip, A. (2025). Geopolitical risk and energy markets: Past, present, and future. Journal of Economic Surveys, 39(5), 2233–2253. https://doi.org/10.1111/joes.12697
[34] Clancy, P., & Falk, R. (2021). The ICC and Palestine: Breakthrough and end of the road? Journal of Palestine Studies, 50(3), 56–68. https://doi.org/10.1080/0377919X.2021.1947108
[35] Coetzer, J.-H., Rajmil, D., & Morales, L. (2023). The new normal: Multifaceted and multidimensional crises and the interplay of geoeconomics and geopolitics. Peace Review, 35(4), 555–561. https://doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2023.2287212
[36] Cohen, S. B. (2020). The geopolitics of Israel’s border question. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429311253
[37] Creswell, J. W. & Poth, C. N. (2018). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches (4th ed.). Sage.
[38] Deheshyar, H., & Aminabadi, S. M. (2022). The role of geopolitics in escalating international crises: A case study of the Syrian crisis. Geopolitics Quarterly, 18(65), 225–253.
[39] Devadoss, C. (2024). From Jamestown to Bethlehem: Local connections of geopolitical violence. Human Geography, 17(2), 236–246. https://doi.org/10.1177/19427786241245406
[40] Eiran, E. (2022). Israel’s changing geostrategic posture. Miscellanea Geographica, 26(3), 154–159. https://doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2022-0007
[41] El-Shewy, M., Griffiths, M., & Jones, C. (2025). Israel’s war on Gaza in a global frame. Antipode, 57(1), 75–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.13094
[42] Fernandes, S., & de Matos, M. G. (2024). The crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh: A complex geopolitical game. Janus.net, 15(2), 281–294. https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.15.2.12
[43] Foreign Affairs Forum. (2025). Israel–Somaliland ties and Horn of Africa strategic dynamics. Available at: https://www.faf.ae/home/2025/12/27/israels-somaliland-recognition-strategic-realignment
[44] Gardini, G. L. (2021). Conclusion: Geopolitics between neo-extractivism and South–South cooperation. In External powers in Latin America: Geopolitics between neo-extractivism and South–South cooperation (pp. 263–276). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429351808-102
[45] Gardini, G. L. (2021). External powers in Latin America: Geopolitics between neo-extractivism and South–South cooperation. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429351808
[46] Golan, A. (2024). Foundations of a geopolitical entity: The Gaza Strip 1947–1950. Middle Eastern Studies, 60(2), 271–283. https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2023.2195635
[47] Griffiths, M., & Repo, J. (2020). Women’s lives beyond the checkpoint in Palestine. Antipode, 52(4), 1104–1121. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12627
[48] Gurjar, S. (2023). The Port of Berbera and geopolitics of the Western Indian Ocean. International Studies, 60(3), 313–327. https://doi.org/10.1177/00208817231202305
[49] Hagmann, T. & Hoehne, M. V. (2009). Failures of the state failure debate: Evidence from the Somali territories. Journal of International Development, 21(1), pp.42–57.
[50] Hailu, S., Jemma, H., & Ashine, Y. (2025). Ethiopia’s quest for sea access: Strategic imperatives, responses and geopolitical repercussions. Ethiopian Renaissance Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, 12(2), 113–133. https://doi.org/10.4314/erjssh.v12i2.7
[51] Hammond, T. (2020). Heritage and the Middle East: Cities, power, and memory. Geography Compass, 14(2). https://doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12477
[52] Harbord, K. (2024). Geopolitics in Israel. In The Palgrave handbook of contemporary geopolitics (pp. 573–595). Springer Nature. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-47227-5_80
[53] Hartal, G. (2022). Touring and obscuring: How sensual, embodied and haptic gay touristic practices construct the geopolitics of pinkwashing. Social & Cultural Geography, 23(6), 836–854. https://doi.org/10.1080/14649365.2020.1821391
[54] Hastie, A. (2023). Postcolonial geopolitics: Reading contemporary geopolitics in Maghrebi–French war films. Geopolitics, 28(1), 239–256. https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2021.1882426
[55] Herb, M. (2014). Lost states: Fragmentation and security in the Third World. Cornell University Press.
[56] Hokayem, E., & Momtaz, R. (2024). Turbulence in the Eastern Mediterranean: Geopolitical, security and energy dynamics. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003604280
[57] Irkhin, A., & Moskalenko, O. (2020). Russia’s foreign policy in the Great Mediterranean: Prospects and constraints. Geopolitics Quarterly, 15(4), 110–121.
[58] Johnson, E. (2025, December 29). Israel recognises Somaliland in historic shift: Implications and reactions. Middle East Policy Review.
[59] Johnson, T. (2025). Israel becomes first country to recognize Somaliland as independent state. Reuters. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israel-recognizes-somaliland-2025-12-26
[60] Johnson, T. (2025). Israel’s recognition of Somaliland reshapes Horn of Africa diplomacy. The Week. Available at: https://www.theweek.com
[61] Jones, R. (2025). Political geography II: The end of territorial integrity. Progress in Human Geography, 49(4), 434–442. https://doi.org/10.1177/03091325251329265
[62] Ker Lindsay, J. (2012). The foreign policy of counter secession: Preventing the recognition of contested states. Oxford University Press.
[63] Kersten, M. & Vollaard, H. (2019). Between recognition and engagement: De facto states in international politics. International Studies Quarterly, 63(4), pp.823–834.
[64] Kim, T., & Shin, S. Y. (2021). Competition or cooperation? The geopolitics of gas discovery in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. Energy Research & Social Science, 74. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.101983
[65] Krasner, S. D. (1999). Sovereignty: Organized hypocrisy. Princeton University Press.
[66] Krippendorff, K. (2018). Content analysis: An introduction to its methodology (4th ed.). Sage Publications.
[67] Lefebvre, J. A. (2021). Recognition without adjudication: De facto states and the challenges for international law. International Journal of Constitutional Law, 19(3), pp.666–684.
[68] Leuenberger, C. (2025). The social construction of maps: Knowledge, maps, and power. In Research handbook on the sociology of knowledge (pp. 350–360). Edward Elgar. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781800376649.00030
[69] Leuenberger, C., & Schnell, I. (2020). The politics of maps: Cartographic constructions of Israel/Palestine. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076238.001.0001
[70] Mandaville, P. (2023). The geopolitics of religious soft power: How states use religion in foreign policy. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197605806.001.0001
[71] Markiewicz, T. (2025). Can states be interviewed? International Studies Quarterly, 69(1). https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqae153
[72] Mason, R. (2024). The UAE and Israel: Economic diversification, security, and geopolitics. In The Abraham Accords: National security, regional order, and popular representation (pp. 105–140). Bloomsbury.
[73] Mearsheimer, J. J. (2001). The tragedy of great power politics. W.W. Norton.
[74] Mehring, R. (2024). From Carl Schmitt to Dugin and Putin? Geopolitical interpretations of the Ukraine war. Leviathan, 52(1), 119–133. https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-0425-2024-1-119
[75] Meibodi, H. P., & Feizollahi, M. (2024). The escalation of tension in Nagorno-Karabakh and the challenge of Iran’s regional interests: 2020–2023. Central Eurasia Studies, 16(2), 75–100. https://doi.org/10.22059/jcep.2024.370397.450191
[76] Menkhaus, K. (2020). State failure and the limits of imposition: Stabilization in Somalia. Polity Press.
[77] Mitchell, G. (2024). Energy security and Israel’s foreign relations. In Routledge handbook on Israel’s foreign relations (pp. 21–30). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003048398-3
[78] Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, (1933), 165 L.N.T.S. 19. Available at: https://www.oas.org/juridico/english/treaties/a-40.html
[79] Mou, N., Ren, H., Zheng, Y., Chen, J., Niu, J., Yang, T., Zhang, L., & Liu, F. (2021). Traffic inequality and relations in Maritime Silk Road: A network flow analysis. ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information, 10(1). https://doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10010040
[80] Nashef, H. A. M. (2021). “The right to narrate”: Gazans contest popular geopolitics with film. Journal of Postcolonial Writing, 57(6), 752–765. https://doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2021.1963311
[81] Osman, M. (2026). Israel and Somaliland: Strategic partnership in 2026. The Times of Israel Blogs. Available at: https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/israel-and-somaliland-strategic-partnership-in-2026/
[82] Osuri, G. (2020). Kashmir and Palestine: Itineraries of (anti)colonial solidarity. Identities, 27(3), 339–356. https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2019.1675334
[83] Patterson, W. R., & Kuthy, D. W. (2024). Markets and conflict: Economics of war and peace. Elsevier. https://doi.org/10.1016/C2020-0-02459-X
[84] Pegolo, V. (2021). The impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the Middle East region: Iran’s policy of strategic retreat and the dangers of a new geopolitical game in the Caucasus. In Studies in Iranian politics (pp. 567–605). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3564-9_22
[85] Pinfold, R. G. (2023). Understanding territorial withdrawal: Israeli occupations and exits. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197658857.001.0001
[86] Ram, M., & Yacobi, H. (2023). Zionism in a white coat: Israel’s geopolitics of medical aid development assistance of health to Africa. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 50(4), 825–844. https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2022.2038085
[87] Reuters. (2025). Israel formally recognizes Somaliland, citing security and regional stability concerns. Reuters. Available at: https://www.reuters.com
[88] Rijke, A. (2021). Checkpoint knowledge: Navigating the tunnels and Al Walaja checkpoints in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Geopolitics, 26(5), 1586–1607. https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2020.1737020
[89] Riordan, S. (2007). Diplomacy and the media. In: R. B. Whitman & A. J. Bellamy (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of modern diplomacy, pp.437–457. Oxford University Press.
[90] Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. Pantheon.
[91] Saraswat, D. (2024). Hamas–Israel war and the evolution of Iran’s “resistance geopolitics.” Strategic Analysis, 48(1), 60–65. https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2024.2331346
[92] Schwake, G., & Allegra, M. (2024). Studentwashing: A new territorial strategy in Israel/Palestine. Geographical Review, 114(2), 206–223. https://doi.org/10.1080/00167428.2024.2314026
[93] Shahbaz, M., Sharif, A., Soliman, A. M., Jiao, Z., & Hammoudeh, S. (2024). Oil prices and geopolitical risk: Fresh insights based on Granger-causality in quantiles analysis. International Journal of Finance and Economics, 29(3), 2865–2881. https://doi.org/10.1002/ijfe.2806
[94] Shtern, M., & Rokem, J. (2023). Towards urban geopolitics of encounter: Spatial mixing in contested Jerusalem. Geopolitics, 28(5), 1710–1734. https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2021.1926992
[95] Shumilin, A. I. (2021). Middle East conflicts today: Between religion and geopolitics. World Economy and International Relations, 65(1), 50–60. https://doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-50-60
[96] Slesinger, I. (2022). A strange sky: Security atmospheres and the technological management of geopolitical conflict in the case of Israel’s Iron Dome. Geographical Journal, 188(3), 429–443. https://doi.org/10.1111/geoj.12444
[97] Somalia Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2025). Statement rejecting Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as an attack on Somali sovereignty. Mogadishu: Government of Somalia.
[98] Somaliland Chronicle. (2026). Recognition of the Republic of Somaliland is fait accompli.
[99] Squire, R., & Dodds, K. (2020). Introduction to the special issue: Subterranean geopolitics. Geopolitics, 25(1), 4–16. https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2019.1609453
[100] Suleiman, A. (2025). Norms and recognition: African Union perspectives on de facto states. African Journal of International Affairs, 12(3), pp.211–229.
[101] Sultana, R., & Cohen, R. A. (2025). Strategic alignment and power transition: Examining Iran’s proxy motives and China’s geopolitics in the Middle East. International Politics. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-025-00733-6
[102] Thawaba, S. (2023). Jerusalem urban landscape fragmentation: From a city of peace into a city of pieces. Town Planning Review, 94(5), 535–559. https://doi.org/10.3828/tpr.2023.12
[103] The Week. (2025). Israel’s recognition of Somaliland upends the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa.
[104] Thompson, D. K. (2020). Border crimes, extraterritorial jurisdiction, and the racialization of sovereignty in the Ethiopia–British Somaliland borderlands during the 1920s. Africa, 90(4), 746–773. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0001972020000303
[105] Walls, M. (2014). The emergence of a Somali state: Building peace from civil war in Somaliland. Red Sea Press.
[106] Waltz, K. (1979). Theory of international politics. McGraw-Hill.
[107] Wendt, A. (1999). Social theory of international politics. Cambridge University Press.
[108] Wu, Z., & Yarrow, R. (2022). Engaging Israel in the Belt and Road Initiative: China’s techno-nationalism in the Middle East. In New nationalisms and China’s Belt and Road Initiative: Exploring the transnational public domain (pp. 259–276). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08526-0_18
[109] Yaar-Waisel, T., & Wolff-Seidel, S. (2025). Training teachers to teach geopolitics subjects: A comparative study of Israel and Germany. In International perspectives on geographical education (pp. 131–145). Springer Nature. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-96551-7_10
[110] Yarom, A. (2026). After Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, what comes next? Atlantic Council MENASource. Available at: https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/after-israels-recognition-of-somaliland-what-comes-next/
[111] Zhizhi, M. And Achiaku, F. (2020). Politics of divisiveness and the resurgence of Biafra agitation in Nigeria. Journal of Politics, Vol. 4 No.1. Department of Political science, KSU.pg 55-64
[112] Zohny, A. Y. (2023). Donald Trump’s digital diplomacy and its impact on US foreign policy towards the Middle East. Bloomsbury. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781666990744
Downloads
Published
How to Cite
Issue
Section
License
Copyright (c) 2026 JED (Jurnal Etika Demokrasi)

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

